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Politicians and privatization |
Hans-Werner Tovar, Chairman of the Kieler Economic Committee,
infuriated a lot of viewers when he said in the film that his biggest
political mistake was the partial sales of the Kieler Public
Utilities. He was responsible for a huge disaster, and simply said
months later that it was a mistake.
Nevertheless,
what politician today would dare to admit to a mistake with such
repercussions? And respect to the ones who also learn from it!
Mr.
Tovar in no way acted any different in the decision to sell off larger
parts of Kiel's Utilities than the large majority of other Ministers,
or delegates, facing similar decisions. They are confronted with
stacks of appraisals and piles of drafted agreements from consulting
firms, whose "transparent" contents are summarized by high-paid
advisors. A public representative today manages to study all the
relevant documents on only very few cases before casting his vote.
Usually the only deciding factor is the recommendation of the leading
parliamentary group. When, in addition, the consulting firm is
represented by some of the own party's associates, for example the
former Mayor and the former Senator of Finance, who is going to refuse?
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Democracy and privatization |
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As the Berliner delegates decided about the Partial Privatization of
the Water Utilities, although "fully briefed", they did not know,
beyond the contracts before them, what they were actually voting for:
the private, and therefore secret consortium agreement. In it, all the
important guidelines of the new partially private BWB are specified:
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Who the official management is.
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Division of the profits - a guarantee of profit for the private shareholders
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Possibility of further privatization a.o.
With their best intentions, the Berliner delegates could not have known about all of this.
When
a portion of the profit guarantee became known, and the opposition
successfully went against it before the constitutional court, even more
of the consortiums regulations were brought to light
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The Berliner Senate is under any circumstances liable to pay
compensation, to private parties for loss of profit!
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This means, the private consortium contract waves not only the
delegate's freedom of choice but also the decision of the
Constitutional Court! After the decision, only the method of payment
was changed: Any deficits in the payment of the guaranteed profit would
be refunded by the Senate!
This model is being perfected in the rapidly spreading public-private partnerships. Starting in Offenbach.
Here,
Hochtief has been renovating and operating 49 schools for 15 years.
The company estimates that it costs 100-130€ from their own means. In
the beginning Hochtief receives very little, but this amount increases
over the years, and on top receives an additional 410 million € from
the City of Offenbach!
Nevertheless, the deal still
appears to have a large advantage to the Offenbach land Advisor
P.Walter. Not for free but for an additional 30 Million the advisory
team of former first Mayor Dietrich Stobbe and former Senator of
Finance Anette Fugmann-Heesing sold him the contract filling 40 binders
as an excellent business. The delegates are not even able to check if
the deal is correct, as the contract is held secret because it is
private. Anyhow, the Land Advice and the delegates can show, during
their time in office, renovated schools without severely harming the
household budget. What will happen after their time...who cares?
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The Water regulator Ofwat in London |
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Our experience with the water industry in England, that has been
corporate for 17 years, has been frustrating on many different levels.
This was not only due to the drinking water supply suffering under the
pressure to yield profit (a lack of sanitization of the lines and
canalization infrastructure, fragile pipes, failing water pressure,
modest water quality, high prices) but amazingly, the large majority of
the population does not see this as a problem you could do something
about. In particular the institution of the highest water modulator
OFWAT gives the impression that far and wide, a seemingly all-powerful
one is already doing his best. Indeed the regulators of the private
water companies are allowed to decide to what extent they can raise
prices. However, they do not get around negotiating with Thames Water
& Co. regarding what price increase to approve for which investment
of urgent necessity. They have no right to independently examine the
documents, as they are private. So it is something of a sport for the
water companies to on paper, estimate the investment costs high, but in
reality save as much as possible on what is actually being done.
The
regulator can hardly influence how much profit the providers make and
how they go about doing it. When an international company like RWE
gives its daughter company, Thames Water, a profit margin, the managers
of Thames Water must attempt to reach it and when necessary, instead of
cost intensive repairs, to direct unsettled sewage into the Thames
which, could happen practically every week. The regulator is unable to
prevent this as well. The sewage plant is private property. Thames
Water & Co. as well as all other water companies can at any time
prevent an investigation, and the environmental protection authorities
seldom see evidence of these illegal procedures.
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Along with rising prices, investment cutbacks, unemployment, the
quality of the water itself has decreased. It is not only wasted, but
high levels of it are being consciously contaminated. Thames Water
& Co. is the number one polluter of water in England. 50 to 60
times a year, Thames Water allows untreated sewage to flow into the
river. It is cheaper than modernizing the facilities. One of the
results of the high level of sewage in the river is “Feminized Male
Fish”. Scientist of the Environmental Agency has discovered that in
the male reproductive chambers, female ova have developed. Responsible
for this, among other things, is the presence of poisons found within
human wastewater, such as hormones psychopharmacology or paramagnetic
agents. The current method for processing the drinking water cannot
filter out these poisons – this would perhaps only be possible through
micro filtering but this is extremely expensive.
Certainly
nothing for profit oriented private companies. But what about the
consequences this has on the human reproduction ability?
Locally owned water utilities – Is this the Answer?
Without
a doubt – a local ownership of the water utilities offers the
possibility of a broader democratic control than that of an
international cooperation, which is not as concerned with local needs
but more with the net yield.
MVV, who took over
TXU’s shares of the Kieler Public Utilities after their insolvency, is
still recognized by many as a local enterprise. In actuality they are
the Mannheimer Transport enterprise, and to a large degree still owned
by the city of Mannheim. However, for a long time the expansion over
the local boarders has turned MVV into a cooperation that holds its own
on the European market along with REW and Eon to name a few, and have
to act under the same laws of operation as the “Multis”. The local
activity then merely serves as a cover and a good source of income for
the city of Mannheim.
In times of low funds,
practically every German city is interested in creating as high a
revenue/surplus as possible from their Water- and City utilities, thus
the difference between local and private ownership is easily washed
out. For municipalities, who would only squint at the profit from their
utilities, routine pipeline cleaning becomes a cost easily questioned.
It
is high time that we begin to think of how to protect local water
enterprises from these dangers. The participation of socially relevant
groups and of their control in the form of a public model would surely
be a possibility. Further ideas are in demand
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Trade unions and privatization. |
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Across the globe trade unions are recognized as opponents to
privatization of the water utilities. Kiel is no exception, here 95%
of the City utility employees have been organized for a long time and
have extensive strike experience. Nevertheless, 51% of their enterprise
was sold to the Texan TXU with practically no resistance. How could
this happen?
Initially the work council had been prepared for a strong resistance.
The
local trade union leaders missed clear orientation and support for
resistance measures. This unclear attitude was surely due to one of
the dilemmas German trade unions have, that strikes outside of tariff
negotiations are forbidden. There is also very little practical
experience in resistance against political-social developments like the
increasing privatization of public properties.
When
left to itself, the work council faltered and were susceptible to “if
you do not agree, then you are responsible for the layoffs when the
utilities are unable to compete on their own!” type of oppression. The
offer from TXU, to make Kiel the base for the German wide expansion of
their cooperation, along with a promise to refrain from any layoffs
over several years, seemed very appealing. Even the most critical of
the work council drew new hope that there would be a secure future
along side of the “strong strategic partner”.
The complaints were all the louder when only after a few short months; the strong strategic partner showed its true face.
The
Kieler employees are not alone when it comes to realizing a problem
first when it is too late. Looking at the German capitol city of
Berlin, the picture is very much the same. There the work council and
the trade union had a clear position against the partial privatization
of the BWB and along with large demonstrations, showed that they were
ready to fight. This did not stop the employment department from, only
hours later, falling for practically the same form of oppression as in
Kiel, with the same bait, promises that there would be no operation
based layoffs, and agreeing to the privatization deal. In the mean
time, Berlin is now aware that employee reduction, with or without
operation related conditions, can occur without notice.
It
is possible to do it completely differently! This was shown by NRW,
where Münster managed to defend itself against privatization, with
strong support from the VERDI union. Other communities, like Bad Salz
Ufflen had similar successes.
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